Welcome Everybody!
It will be my great pleasure to be able to discuss,
at least in a much broader outline, a little more
about the beautiful traditional music of Polynesia.
This will be in the context of the origins and the
early migration of the Polynesian people. The word
"Polynesia" means "many islands" - it comes from
the Greek words 'poly' which means many and
'nesos' which means "island".
Polynesia is a group of island chains spread
across much of the Pacific Ocean, and includes
many countries and territories. Internationally,
Polynesian music is mostly associated with
twinkling guitars and grass skirts, Hawaiian hula
and other tourist-friendly forms of music. While
these elements are justifiably a part of Polynesian
history and culture, there is actually a wide variety
of music made in the far-flung reaches of Polynesia.
Interestingly, recent studies of DNA in Taiwan has
provided some interesting conclusions about the
origins of the Polynesian and Melanesian people.
Certainly, linguistic studies have pointed to
the fact that the Polynesians, undoubtedly the
greatest seafarers in history, have their
origins in Taiwan.
Of the 23 million people in Taiwan, only
400,000 are descendants from the original
inhabitants. These people originally spoke
a language belonging to the Austronesian
group which is unrelated to Chinese but
includes the Polynesian tongues.
DNA studies of the original group found
three mutations shared by Taiwanese,
Polynesians and Melanesians, who also
speak Austronesian. These mutations are
not found in other Asians and hence suggest
that the Polynesians and Melanesians have
their origins in the original inhabitants
of Taiwan.
Certainly, human occupation of Oceania -
those vast reaches of the Pacific encompassing
Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia - began
on Papua and Papua New Guinea. It is on here
that archaeologists have dug primitive stone
tools and charcoal more than 25,000 years old
from camp sites used during the last Ice Age,
when sea levels were lower and the distances
between Australia, Papua New Guinea and the
other Indonesian islands were much less.
When melting ice raised the level of the
ocean and increased distances between land
falls, Papua New Guinea and its dark-skinned
inhabitants - Melanesians - became more
isolated until the coming of the brown-skinned
people - out of island Asia - Indonesia, the
Philippines and Taiwan.
In their outrigger and double canoes with sails
of plaited leaves, the latter reached New Guinea
and nearby islands about 4,500 years ago, but
did not dislodge the Melanesians they found
already living there. Among these seafarers were
the ancestors of the Polynesians. Using Fiji as
a staging area, some eventually sailed on to
uninhabited Tonga and Samoa.
Indeed, to have developed the physical types,
language, and culture that the Polynesians share
in common, these Polynesian forebears must
have been isolated for a time in a home group
of islands. A chain of archaeological discoveries
leads us to believe that this isolation started
in the islands of Tonga and Samoa roughly 3,000
years ago. Radiocarbon of Lapita pottery has
suggested that Tonga is the longest-inhabited
island group in Polynesia, with radiocarbon
dates as early as 1140 B.C. Thus we conclude
that Tonga's first settlers, the people who made
Lapita ware, were the first true Polynesians.
Language ties indicate that this migration
continued via Samoa eastward to the
Marquesas, where the oldest sites in Eastern
Polynesia have been found. Far to the
southeast of the Marquesas lies evidence of
a truly remarkable feat - a voyage to Easter
Island, some 2,400 miles away, in the face
of prevailing winds and currents. Polynesia's
easternmost outpost, Easter Island, is not
only the most isolated inhabited island in the
Pacific, but it is only 15 miles long.
The sites on Easter Island show clear evidence
when considered in conjunction with the
archaeology and languages of the Society and
Marquesas Islands indicate strongly that the
pre-historic culture of Easter Island could
have evolved from a single landing of
Polynesians from a Marquesan island, fully
equipped to colonise an uninhabited volcanic
island. Their success in making this windswept
sixty-four square miles, without an edible native
plant, not only habitable but also the seat of
remarkable cultural achievements, is testimony
to the genius of these Polynesian settlers.
A study of excavated adzes, fish hooks,
ornaments and other artefacts indicates that
Tahiti and the other Society Islands must
have been settled soon after the Marquesas.
Present information indicates that Hawaii and
New Zealand were settled after A.D. 500.
Radiocarbon techniques permit us to assign
tentative dates to this entire Pacific migration:
entry into West Polynesia about 1000 B.C.,
reaching East Polynesia about the time of
Christ completing the occupation by
A.D.1000.
In central and eastern Pacific is a large triangular
area referred to as the Polynesian Triangle.
The triangle is formed by a line drawn from Hawaii
to new Zealand, bending westward to include the
Ellice Islands (Tuvalu) and passing between Fiji
and Tonga. This north to south forms the base.
Easter Island is the apex, located 4,000 miles to
the east. The Marquesas lie almost to the center
of the eastern line; from Easter in the south to
Hawaii in the north. Samoa, Tonga, Tahiti and
Cook islands are surrounded by the triangle.
New Zealand, the farthest south group of
Polynesian Islands.
It was in the Polynesian Triangle that the unique
and beautiful Polynesian culture evolved over
hundreds and, indeed, thousands of years. The
striking unity of the languages spoken in these
different islands, as well as sufficient similarities
in their arts, culture, custom and tradition allow
the world scientists and anthropologists to agree
that the Polynesians are a racial unit. It is
also here that the beautiful traditional music of
Polynesia has its origins.
The early music of Polynesia was composed
of rhythm instruments and vocals; they
comprise mainly chants without any harmonic
structure and without any oriental or occidental
influence. This early music was very fundamental
although some islands did use flutes and drums
to accompany their singing.
As there was no written language to record the
history of the Pacific Islands, it was our beautiful
island music that provided one essential record
of our heritage and this was passed from generation
to generation. Besides the tales of migration and
wars, the daily life of our Pacific Island people
was chronicled in our music. Throughout most of
Polynesia, contemporary music has been influenced
by outside influences. The only major stronghold to
retain traditional culture without much evolution
has been Tonga, which has pursued a relatively
isolationist history.
Throughout Tonga, traditional music has been
preserved in the set pieces performed at royal
and noble weddings and funerals, as well as in
the song sung during the traditional ceremony
of apology, the 'lou-ifi'.
Radio Tonga begins each day's broadcast with
a recording by a nobleman and celebrated virtuoso
of the nose flute which is otherwise rarely heard.
Some ancient dances such as the ula are still
performed. The 'lali' or slit-gong, is still in use --
as a substitute for a church bell by congregations
that cannot afford a bell.
Generally throughout Polynesia, the lyrics of
traditional songs are by far more important
than the melodic accompaniment, as it is the
lyrics that contain the elements of our cultural
heritage that are being preserved such as the
stories of the people, genealogies, histories
and migrations. Elements like rhythm melody,
harmony and dance are traditionally viewed
as accompaniment to the primary focus, the
lyrics, serving to embellish, illustrate and
decorate the words.
It is important to remember, however, that song
and dance are integral parts of the same cultural
elements throughout Polynesia. In action songs,
dance is used to illustrate the lyrics by moving
the hands or arms; some dances are performed seated.
Traditionally, dance moves do not illustrate the
song's narrative, but rather draw attention to
specific words and themes; in modern times,
however, dances are more often explicitly narrative
in their focus. There are also traditional dances
performed without lyrics, to the accompaniment
of percussive music.
The most important instrument is the voice, though
multiple varieties of slit drums and conch shells are
also popular; the human body is used as an instrument,
with clapping and knee-slapping used accompany songs
and dances. Other instruments include the pandanus,
a sitting mat that is also used as a percussion
instrument, nose flutes and, later, derivatives of
Portuguese guitars such as the ukulele and slack-key
guitar.
In the 1790s, Christian missionaries arrived in
Polynesia for the first time. Hymns and other forms
of Christian music were instituted, and native musical
genres were largely driven underground and prohibited.
Soon, traditional polyphonic singing was merged with
Christian styles and church singing became an important
part of Polynesian culture across the Pacific.
The music of Polynesian is the most well known music
from Oceania. It includes everything from the Hawaiian
hula and steel-guitar traditions to joyful, polyphonic
choral music of Tahiti. Though traditional instruments
such as slit-gongs and nose-flutes can be found throughout
the region, the voice has long been the most important
instrument among Polynesian peoples. Whether singing
Christian hymns imported by missionaries or traditional
songs such as the 'lakalaka' of Tonga that date back
generations, their choral music is unsurpassed. Also
important in Polynesian musical culture is dance, both
to accompany "action songs" such as the hula and the
'aparima' of Tahiti, or in the signature seated-dance
styles such as Western Samoa's 'ma'ulu'ulu'. Polynesia
also offers the unique music of New Zealand's Maori
people, whose legendary 'hakka' dance can still send
shivers down an onlooker's spine.
I do hope that you have enjoyed this brief outline
of the origins of our traditional and beautiful
Polynesian music. In the next edition, it will be
my great pleasure to share with you a little more
information on the origins of the traditional music
of our beautiful Micronesia!
FEATURE ARTISTS
PACIFIC CHANTS: TRADITIONAL MUSIC
OF EASTERN POLYNESIA
David Fanshawe presents important highlights
from his monumental Pacific Collections, recorded
over fourteen years (1978-1992). The selections
focus on the rich variety of authentic himene (hymns)
indigenous to Tahiti, the Cook Islands, the Society
Islands, the Austral Islands, Manihiki, Pukapuka,
Maupiti, Tahaa, Bora Bora, and Raivavae. The 20
tracks include a valuable collection of traditional
music including, The Signing Reef 1 - 5, Legend
of Maupiti and Marae Arahurahu.
RUIA AND RANEA
The talented Maori twins, Ruia and Ranea Aperahama,
deliver a celebration of contemporary Maori music that
is performed completely in the Maori language. The
musical styles include reggae, soul, Latin rhythm elements,
and a strong spiritual theme that ties the album together,
giving it a natural Maori essence.
SOUL PAUA
Soul Paua are Jerry Banse and Turi Reedy. Jerry is
Samoan, Turei, a Maori. Their music is in te reo,
sometimes in English and a mix of rock, jazz, blues
folk and traditional Maori music. Their debut album
is based on the story of an urban young Maori prophet
and is currently being developed as a stage production.
The songs on the album follow the story of one man
from his birth, the troubles he is confronted with,
the prophetic abilities he discovers and how he
reflects on his journey.
The themes talk about the ability of anyone to
do anything at any time. The story is based on
the tales of Maui and the prophets - both of
which came from unlikely beginnings. Maui
was abandoned at birth and the prophets were
often considered rebels or on the outside of
decent society.
That's all for now. I wish you all a wonderful
and prosperous day. Thank you.
For further information, please check my four
Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
Friday, September 10, 2010
Overfishing Of Our Oceans
It is rather disturbing to read that thirteen years after the world rallied to curb overfishing, most nations are failing to abide by the United Nation's "code of conduct" for managing fisheries. Australia, Norway, the United States, Canada, Iceland and Namibia were the only nations that scored above a 60 per cent compliance rate, the equivalent of a barely passing "D" grade, according to a marine scientist's research.
The global fisheries standards were developed in 1995 by the United Nation's Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) in Rome. Though voluntary, the 12-part code is based on rules of international law and some of it has been made into legally binding agreements. It was crafted to include all aspects of the fishing business, including processing and trade in fish products, aquaculture, marine research and coastal management, reducing pollution and harmful fishing practices. The code also has been translated into 100 languages to try to encourage people to follow it.
Sadly, a survey published in the journal 'Nature' raises troubling questions about how the world's marine fisheries can continue to supply the main source of protein for many on the Planet with the oceans being severely overfished.
A spokesman for the United Nation Environment Program said that overfishing shows nations' failure to address "fundamental links" between ecology and the daily needs of tens of millions of people. The spokesman went on to say that "It's absolutely clear that one of the great market failures of modern times is the management of the world's fisheries, and there are examples from almost every fishery across the globe where the fishing effort exceeds the available catch".
Indeed, it was two years ago, that a team of ecologists and economists warned in the journal 'Science' that just about all seafood sources face collapse by 2048 if current trends of overfishing and pollution continue.
There is no doubt that these findings present a serious problem for people worldwide and, in particular, for our Pacific Island people for whom fish stocks are an essential and only source of protein. Certainly, declining fish stocks may well make it impossible for our traditional island way of life to survive for much longer.
For further information, please check out the following four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
The global fisheries standards were developed in 1995 by the United Nation's Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) in Rome. Though voluntary, the 12-part code is based on rules of international law and some of it has been made into legally binding agreements. It was crafted to include all aspects of the fishing business, including processing and trade in fish products, aquaculture, marine research and coastal management, reducing pollution and harmful fishing practices. The code also has been translated into 100 languages to try to encourage people to follow it.
Sadly, a survey published in the journal 'Nature' raises troubling questions about how the world's marine fisheries can continue to supply the main source of protein for many on the Planet with the oceans being severely overfished.
A spokesman for the United Nation Environment Program said that overfishing shows nations' failure to address "fundamental links" between ecology and the daily needs of tens of millions of people. The spokesman went on to say that "It's absolutely clear that one of the great market failures of modern times is the management of the world's fisheries, and there are examples from almost every fishery across the globe where the fishing effort exceeds the available catch".
Indeed, it was two years ago, that a team of ecologists and economists warned in the journal 'Science' that just about all seafood sources face collapse by 2048 if current trends of overfishing and pollution continue.
There is no doubt that these findings present a serious problem for people worldwide and, in particular, for our Pacific Island people for whom fish stocks are an essential and only source of protein. Certainly, declining fish stocks may well make it impossible for our traditional island way of life to survive for much longer.
For further information, please check out the following four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
The Origin Of What Is Now Commonly Known As The Sweet Potato
For many years, researches and scientists have speculated that ancient Pacific Island voyagers may have reached the shores of South America. Indeed, Arthur Grimble (later Sir Arthur Grimble), in an article in 'National Geographic Magazine' of January 1943, mentions a tradition among the Micronesian people of the Gilbert Islands (now the Republic of Kiribati), that one of their early adventurers reached the shores of the American continent, more than 4,500 miles away.
The stories tell of one Raakau, the greatest of all Gilbertese navigators who reported a land that stretched along the eastern edge of the ocean, to northward without end, and to the southward without end. It was said that this land lies beyond the farthest eastward islands and it was a wall of mountains up against the place where the sun rises, standing over plains full of fertility. There is only one littoral in the Pacific that can be said to fit this description, and that is the western coast of the American continent.
In addition, the late Professor Roland B. Dixon was convinced that the sweet potato reached Polynesia from America by the aid of human hands. He also concluded that the transference of the plant was carried out by Polynesians who had reached the Peruvian coast and had taken the valuable plant back with them to their island home. The Peruvian coast was specified because, in the Kechua dialet of north Peru, the name for the sweet potato is "kumar" and, in the Polynesian name for the plant is "kumara".
In this respect, it is most interesting to see that a paper that recently appeared in the prestigious 'Proceedings of the National Academy of Science' provides the first hard evidence supporting the view that Polynesians did, in fact, sail all the way to the west coast of the American continent, at least a century before the arrival of Columbus.
The key to this breakthrough was chicken bones found in Chile which were radiocarbon dated as approximately 600 years old. DNA testing revealed that the bones carried a rare mutation otherwise only found in chickens from Mele Havea, Tonga, and Fatu-ma-Futi, American Samoa. This evidence clearly indicates a pattern of interaction between Polynesians, long recognized as some of the world's finest sailors and navigators in times preceding Western contact, and South Americans. To put it simply, Polynesians not only made it to America before Columbus, but they apparently introduced the chicken to the continent, as well, with these fowls having a DNA identical to chickens found in Tonga and Tutuila, Samoa.
Another interesting story relating to Polynesian voyagers comes from the study of the chemistry of ancient basalt adzes found in the Tuamotus in the 1930s. Scientists from the University of Queensland, in Australia, have definitely traced one of them to the island of Kahoolawe. The research, published in the Journal 'Science', confirms the view that ancient voyagers came to Hawaii from what is now French Polynesia, and then returned.
Indeed, the early legends from Hawaii recount many voyages to and from Tahiti. In sailing south, the course was maintained by keeping the North Star directly astern. When the North Star sank into the sea, the star Newe was taken as the southern guide and the constellation of Humu was overhead. The last voyager mentioned in Hawaiian traditions was the priest Paao, who arrived from Ra'iatea in about 1275 A.D.
In any event, it is pleasing to see that the modern scientific tools of DNA analysis and chemical testing are confirming so many of the early oral traditions of Pacific Island people. They are also confirming the view that the Polynesians are some of the finest canoe builders, sailors and navigators that the world has ever known.
For further information, please check out my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
The stories tell of one Raakau, the greatest of all Gilbertese navigators who reported a land that stretched along the eastern edge of the ocean, to northward without end, and to the southward without end. It was said that this land lies beyond the farthest eastward islands and it was a wall of mountains up against the place where the sun rises, standing over plains full of fertility. There is only one littoral in the Pacific that can be said to fit this description, and that is the western coast of the American continent.
In addition, the late Professor Roland B. Dixon was convinced that the sweet potato reached Polynesia from America by the aid of human hands. He also concluded that the transference of the plant was carried out by Polynesians who had reached the Peruvian coast and had taken the valuable plant back with them to their island home. The Peruvian coast was specified because, in the Kechua dialet of north Peru, the name for the sweet potato is "kumar" and, in the Polynesian name for the plant is "kumara".
In this respect, it is most interesting to see that a paper that recently appeared in the prestigious 'Proceedings of the National Academy of Science' provides the first hard evidence supporting the view that Polynesians did, in fact, sail all the way to the west coast of the American continent, at least a century before the arrival of Columbus.
The key to this breakthrough was chicken bones found in Chile which were radiocarbon dated as approximately 600 years old. DNA testing revealed that the bones carried a rare mutation otherwise only found in chickens from Mele Havea, Tonga, and Fatu-ma-Futi, American Samoa. This evidence clearly indicates a pattern of interaction between Polynesians, long recognized as some of the world's finest sailors and navigators in times preceding Western contact, and South Americans. To put it simply, Polynesians not only made it to America before Columbus, but they apparently introduced the chicken to the continent, as well, with these fowls having a DNA identical to chickens found in Tonga and Tutuila, Samoa.
Another interesting story relating to Polynesian voyagers comes from the study of the chemistry of ancient basalt adzes found in the Tuamotus in the 1930s. Scientists from the University of Queensland, in Australia, have definitely traced one of them to the island of Kahoolawe. The research, published in the Journal 'Science', confirms the view that ancient voyagers came to Hawaii from what is now French Polynesia, and then returned.
Indeed, the early legends from Hawaii recount many voyages to and from Tahiti. In sailing south, the course was maintained by keeping the North Star directly astern. When the North Star sank into the sea, the star Newe was taken as the southern guide and the constellation of Humu was overhead. The last voyager mentioned in Hawaiian traditions was the priest Paao, who arrived from Ra'iatea in about 1275 A.D.
In any event, it is pleasing to see that the modern scientific tools of DNA analysis and chemical testing are confirming so many of the early oral traditions of Pacific Island people. They are also confirming the view that the Polynesians are some of the finest canoe builders, sailors and navigators that the world has ever known.
For further information, please check out my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
Thursday, September 9, 2010
Oceania Origins And Micronesian Music
Welcome Everybody!
I would now like to discuss a little further
about the origins of the Polynesian and
Micronesian people, as well as the traditional
music of Micronesia.
The islands of Micronesia include the Federated
States of Micronesia (Pohnpei, Kosrae, Chuuk
and Yap), Guam, Palau, Saipan, the Republic
of the Marshall Islands and the Republic of
Kiribati. Indeed, Micronesia means 'small
islands' and is derived from the Greek words
'mikros' which means small, and 'nesos' which
means island. This is a perfect way to
describe these over two thousand tropical
islands scattered across the heart of the
Pacific Ocean between Hawai'i and the Philippines.
They are spread over a great distance, yet
each has its own culture, history, customs,
rituals, myths and legends, ethnology, lifestyle
and topographical personality.
The islands of Micronesia and Polynesia
collectively comprise the last major region
of the globe to be settled by humans. Both of
these groups of islands were colonized within
the last 5,000 years by Austronesian-speaking
agriculturists. In the past, linguistic studies
have been a major factor in suggesting the origins
of both the Micronesian and Polynesian people
who, in the main, are of medium stature with
straight hair and brown skin.
One of the earliest records of the evidence
of Polynesian languages deriving from Asia
was that of the missionary, John Williams,
who, in 1840, published a range of Polynesian
words along with their Asian origins. In his
book, 'Missionary Enterprises In The South
Sea Islands' published in London by John
Snow in 1840, William ponders in Chapter XXIX
on the origins of the South Sea Islands. He
draws the distinction between the characteristics
of the Melanesians and those of the Polynesians
which he considered had Malay characteristics and
Indian social structure. These he took as clear
indications of the Asiatic origin of the Polynesian
people. He said, however, that the language spoken
by the Malays and the Polynesians was clear
evidence of the origins of the Polynesians.
Certainly, it was common for anthropologists
to base past studies on linguistics. A study
of grammar and word lists allowed researchers
to establish degrees of correlation between
various Pacific Islanders. For example, the
Chamorro language is most closely related to
Bareic in Sulawesi based on a comparison of
standardized word lists. Linguists have
formulated theories of Pacific Island colonization
based on the similarity of languages including
P.S. Bellwood, who wrote the definitive work
on the peopling of the Pacific, relying heavily
on linguistic evidence.
Recent research has suggested, however, that
DNA offers a better way to study the relationships
between Pacific Island people. There is a problem
in using language to predict relations among people
in that language is a culturally transmitted and
not a biological trait, whereas DNA is the genetic
material that determines biological inheritance.
In a DNA study undertaken in 1994, Koji Lum
from The Institute of Statistical Mathematics,
Tokyo, Japan, collected head hair in Micronesia.
He used the head hair to obtain DNA samples.
The study was undertaken in order to compare
the genetic relationships of various Micronesian
groups to other Pacific Islanders and Asians and
their languages. The study examined DNA that
is found within mitochondria (mtDNA), small
cellular bodies that function as the energy
factories and storehouses of our cells.
Mitochondria are inherited from the body of the
mother's fertilized egg, and are transmitted
maternally to the next generation. Consequently,
this analysis ignores inheritance from a father.
In general, this study found that the majority
of mtDNA sequences from Micronesian and
Polynesian populations are derived from Asia,
whereas others are inferred to have originated
in New Guinea. The data supported the concept
of an Island Southeast Asian origin and a
colonization route along the north coast of New
Guinea. The Marianas and the main island of
Yap appear to have been independently settled
directly from Island Southeast Asia, and both
have received migrants from Central-Eastern
Micronesia since then. Palau clearly demonstrates
a complex prehistory including a significant
influx of lineages from New Guinea. Thus genetic
similarities among Micronesian and Polynesian
populations result, in some cases, from a common
origin and, in others, from extensive gene flow.
As well as showing that Micronesians and
Polynesians have a southeast Asian homeland,
studies based on DNA contributed by both
females and males to their offspring generally
indicate a greater degree of Melanesian heritage
for Polynesians and Micronesians.
There are some exceptions, however, with the
results for Palau and Yap showing that the
mtDNA and linguistic relationships do not agree.
This can be interpreted in a number of ways and
suggests that Palau has been 'seeded' by people
with ancestral roots in island Southeast Asia and
Melanesia, as well as the more easterly parts of
Micronesia.
In addition, Chamorro mtDNA is very distinctive
when compared to other Micronesians and
Polynesians. This suggests that the Marianas have
a different settlement history than the rest of
Micronesia. Chamorros have not mixed much
with other Micronesians. The study suggests that
Chamorros and Aboriginal Malays have common
maternal ancestral origins in the distant past.
This was a time being before the Chamorros
were a distinctive group and before the colonization
of the Marianas by people whose descendants
would only later develop the way of living that
defined them as Chamorros.
Music and dance in Micronesia, though certainly
not the same as their Polynesian counterparts, are
closely related to them.With the exception of Truk
(Chuuk) in the central Carolines, which displays
traits of Melanesian and possibly Indonesian
influence, the music structure of all parts of
Micronesia is predominantly word-determined, as
is that of Polynesia. The songs of Micronesia tell
of legendary histories, genealogies and navigational
tales of the islands. Indeed, the music is based
around the mythology and ancient Micronesian
rituals which were handed down in a musical
context from one generation to the next.Certainly,
over generations, the traditional music of Micronesia
was composed utilizing mythology, magic, rituals
and closely guarded procedures. The music is very
voice oriented with chanting, stamping and body
percussion.
The musical instruments of Micronesia are few,
mainly as a consequence of limited material being
available throughout the small islands and atolls
of Micronesia..The shell trumpet and nose flute
are the most common, though standard flutes and
Jews harps are also found. A common idiophone
in Micronesia is a stick that is carried by men in
certain dances. The performers strike each others
sticks in the course of the choreography.
Membranophones are not very common, though
the hourglass single-headed drum like those played
in Papua New Guinea is found as far north as the
Marshall Islands. In keeping with the ecology of
atoll life, the skins of these drums are made from a
shark's belly or parts of the sting ray. Many atolls
of the Micronesian Pacific are without any
indigenous musical instruments whatsoever.
Dance movements are mainly of hands and arms
in accompaniment to poetry. In some islands, such
as Yap (in the western Carolines) and Kiribati,
there is a similar concern for rank in the placement
of dancers, as well as the emphasis on rehearsed
execution of songs and movements. But, although
movements and types of dance have a superficial
similarity to those of Polynesia, there are
differences.
In the Yap empire, for example, dancers from Ulithi,
Woleai, and other islands performed and taught their
choreography and texts to the Yapese as tribute,
even though the dance texts were in languages
unintelligible to the Yapese dancers; the function
of movements was not to illustrate a story but to
decorate it. Instead of acknowledging a chief's
deed or genealogy, the Yapese dancers
demonstrated the overlordship of Yap to the
other islands. Even in Ifalik, where texts were
in their own language, the movements did not
interpret poetry but were apparently abstractly
decorative. The same is true for Kiribati. Thus,
Polynesian dance could be characterized as
illustration of poetry, and Micronesian dance
as decoration of poetry, while music in both
areas serves as an elevated form of audible
performance for poetry.
FEATURE ARTISTS
TIM SAMEKE AND THE WE CE CA
(Melanesia)
Tim Sameke and his group, Wececa, are the
most popular dance troupe that produces shows
regularly in New Caledonia. Confident with this
popularity, they have recorded their first album
at the end of 1999. With the cover version of
one of Gurejele's hit, "Waipeipegu", Wececa
meets a huge success in the country and wish to
be the first band from New Caledonia to export
beyond the Pacific region
SOMAI SERENADERS
(Melanesia)
The Somai Serenaders from Savu-Savu, Fiji,
play a traditional string band style unique to
the islands. Every village, it seems, has its
own string band and that the Somai group is one
of the very best players. Their music is played
in a very ritualized fashion while sitting on
the floor or the ground around a large bowl filled
with kava juice. Kava is a local root that has
medicinal properties and leaves a mild narcotic
effect.
We were immediately impressed by their music
and their stories of how their music is inspired
by nature, like the rhythm of the wind blowing
through the palm trees. Apenisa Waqa, the lead
guitarist told us 'Just imagine a couple of coconuts
floating on the water and from that we compose
a song'.The group's instrumentation is three guitars
and a ukulele with four male voices -- sung in a
soprano range. But Apenisa's improvisational
guitar leads were tasteful and full of ease. It was
almost as if the entire Fijian lifestyle of taking
things slowly was being expressed through his
fingers.
They call their style of music 'Sigi Drigi' --
singing and drinking. When asked about what he
would like the world to know about their music,
Apenisa replied: 'We didn't know we were good -
we just do this to make the kava taste better'.
This group has never been recorded before and,
in fact, this genre of Fijian.
Thank you everybody and I wish you all the
very best in your important endeavours and
undertakings. Have a great and prosperous
day.
For further information, please check my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
I would now like to discuss a little further
about the origins of the Polynesian and
Micronesian people, as well as the traditional
music of Micronesia.
The islands of Micronesia include the Federated
States of Micronesia (Pohnpei, Kosrae, Chuuk
and Yap), Guam, Palau, Saipan, the Republic
of the Marshall Islands and the Republic of
Kiribati. Indeed, Micronesia means 'small
islands' and is derived from the Greek words
'mikros' which means small, and 'nesos' which
means island. This is a perfect way to
describe these over two thousand tropical
islands scattered across the heart of the
Pacific Ocean between Hawai'i and the Philippines.
They are spread over a great distance, yet
each has its own culture, history, customs,
rituals, myths and legends, ethnology, lifestyle
and topographical personality.
The islands of Micronesia and Polynesia
collectively comprise the last major region
of the globe to be settled by humans. Both of
these groups of islands were colonized within
the last 5,000 years by Austronesian-speaking
agriculturists. In the past, linguistic studies
have been a major factor in suggesting the origins
of both the Micronesian and Polynesian people
who, in the main, are of medium stature with
straight hair and brown skin.
One of the earliest records of the evidence
of Polynesian languages deriving from Asia
was that of the missionary, John Williams,
who, in 1840, published a range of Polynesian
words along with their Asian origins. In his
book, 'Missionary Enterprises In The South
Sea Islands' published in London by John
Snow in 1840, William ponders in Chapter XXIX
on the origins of the South Sea Islands. He
draws the distinction between the characteristics
of the Melanesians and those of the Polynesians
which he considered had Malay characteristics and
Indian social structure. These he took as clear
indications of the Asiatic origin of the Polynesian
people. He said, however, that the language spoken
by the Malays and the Polynesians was clear
evidence of the origins of the Polynesians.
Certainly, it was common for anthropologists
to base past studies on linguistics. A study
of grammar and word lists allowed researchers
to establish degrees of correlation between
various Pacific Islanders. For example, the
Chamorro language is most closely related to
Bareic in Sulawesi based on a comparison of
standardized word lists. Linguists have
formulated theories of Pacific Island colonization
based on the similarity of languages including
P.S. Bellwood, who wrote the definitive work
on the peopling of the Pacific, relying heavily
on linguistic evidence.
Recent research has suggested, however, that
DNA offers a better way to study the relationships
between Pacific Island people. There is a problem
in using language to predict relations among people
in that language is a culturally transmitted and
not a biological trait, whereas DNA is the genetic
material that determines biological inheritance.
In a DNA study undertaken in 1994, Koji Lum
from The Institute of Statistical Mathematics,
Tokyo, Japan, collected head hair in Micronesia.
He used the head hair to obtain DNA samples.
The study was undertaken in order to compare
the genetic relationships of various Micronesian
groups to other Pacific Islanders and Asians and
their languages. The study examined DNA that
is found within mitochondria (mtDNA), small
cellular bodies that function as the energy
factories and storehouses of our cells.
Mitochondria are inherited from the body of the
mother's fertilized egg, and are transmitted
maternally to the next generation. Consequently,
this analysis ignores inheritance from a father.
In general, this study found that the majority
of mtDNA sequences from Micronesian and
Polynesian populations are derived from Asia,
whereas others are inferred to have originated
in New Guinea. The data supported the concept
of an Island Southeast Asian origin and a
colonization route along the north coast of New
Guinea. The Marianas and the main island of
Yap appear to have been independently settled
directly from Island Southeast Asia, and both
have received migrants from Central-Eastern
Micronesia since then. Palau clearly demonstrates
a complex prehistory including a significant
influx of lineages from New Guinea. Thus genetic
similarities among Micronesian and Polynesian
populations result, in some cases, from a common
origin and, in others, from extensive gene flow.
As well as showing that Micronesians and
Polynesians have a southeast Asian homeland,
studies based on DNA contributed by both
females and males to their offspring generally
indicate a greater degree of Melanesian heritage
for Polynesians and Micronesians.
There are some exceptions, however, with the
results for Palau and Yap showing that the
mtDNA and linguistic relationships do not agree.
This can be interpreted in a number of ways and
suggests that Palau has been 'seeded' by people
with ancestral roots in island Southeast Asia and
Melanesia, as well as the more easterly parts of
Micronesia.
In addition, Chamorro mtDNA is very distinctive
when compared to other Micronesians and
Polynesians. This suggests that the Marianas have
a different settlement history than the rest of
Micronesia. Chamorros have not mixed much
with other Micronesians. The study suggests that
Chamorros and Aboriginal Malays have common
maternal ancestral origins in the distant past.
This was a time being before the Chamorros
were a distinctive group and before the colonization
of the Marianas by people whose descendants
would only later develop the way of living that
defined them as Chamorros.
Music and dance in Micronesia, though certainly
not the same as their Polynesian counterparts, are
closely related to them.With the exception of Truk
(Chuuk) in the central Carolines, which displays
traits of Melanesian and possibly Indonesian
influence, the music structure of all parts of
Micronesia is predominantly word-determined, as
is that of Polynesia. The songs of Micronesia tell
of legendary histories, genealogies and navigational
tales of the islands. Indeed, the music is based
around the mythology and ancient Micronesian
rituals which were handed down in a musical
context from one generation to the next.Certainly,
over generations, the traditional music of Micronesia
was composed utilizing mythology, magic, rituals
and closely guarded procedures. The music is very
voice oriented with chanting, stamping and body
percussion.
The musical instruments of Micronesia are few,
mainly as a consequence of limited material being
available throughout the small islands and atolls
of Micronesia..The shell trumpet and nose flute
are the most common, though standard flutes and
Jews harps are also found. A common idiophone
in Micronesia is a stick that is carried by men in
certain dances. The performers strike each others
sticks in the course of the choreography.
Membranophones are not very common, though
the hourglass single-headed drum like those played
in Papua New Guinea is found as far north as the
Marshall Islands. In keeping with the ecology of
atoll life, the skins of these drums are made from a
shark's belly or parts of the sting ray. Many atolls
of the Micronesian Pacific are without any
indigenous musical instruments whatsoever.
Dance movements are mainly of hands and arms
in accompaniment to poetry. In some islands, such
as Yap (in the western Carolines) and Kiribati,
there is a similar concern for rank in the placement
of dancers, as well as the emphasis on rehearsed
execution of songs and movements. But, although
movements and types of dance have a superficial
similarity to those of Polynesia, there are
differences.
In the Yap empire, for example, dancers from Ulithi,
Woleai, and other islands performed and taught their
choreography and texts to the Yapese as tribute,
even though the dance texts were in languages
unintelligible to the Yapese dancers; the function
of movements was not to illustrate a story but to
decorate it. Instead of acknowledging a chief's
deed or genealogy, the Yapese dancers
demonstrated the overlordship of Yap to the
other islands. Even in Ifalik, where texts were
in their own language, the movements did not
interpret poetry but were apparently abstractly
decorative. The same is true for Kiribati. Thus,
Polynesian dance could be characterized as
illustration of poetry, and Micronesian dance
as decoration of poetry, while music in both
areas serves as an elevated form of audible
performance for poetry.
FEATURE ARTISTS
TIM SAMEKE AND THE WE CE CA
(Melanesia)
Tim Sameke and his group, Wececa, are the
most popular dance troupe that produces shows
regularly in New Caledonia. Confident with this
popularity, they have recorded their first album
at the end of 1999. With the cover version of
one of Gurejele's hit, "Waipeipegu", Wececa
meets a huge success in the country and wish to
be the first band from New Caledonia to export
beyond the Pacific region
SOMAI SERENADERS
(Melanesia)
The Somai Serenaders from Savu-Savu, Fiji,
play a traditional string band style unique to
the islands. Every village, it seems, has its
own string band and that the Somai group is one
of the very best players. Their music is played
in a very ritualized fashion while sitting on
the floor or the ground around a large bowl filled
with kava juice. Kava is a local root that has
medicinal properties and leaves a mild narcotic
effect.
We were immediately impressed by their music
and their stories of how their music is inspired
by nature, like the rhythm of the wind blowing
through the palm trees. Apenisa Waqa, the lead
guitarist told us 'Just imagine a couple of coconuts
floating on the water and from that we compose
a song'.The group's instrumentation is three guitars
and a ukulele with four male voices -- sung in a
soprano range. But Apenisa's improvisational
guitar leads were tasteful and full of ease. It was
almost as if the entire Fijian lifestyle of taking
things slowly was being expressed through his
fingers.
They call their style of music 'Sigi Drigi' --
singing and drinking. When asked about what he
would like the world to know about their music,
Apenisa replied: 'We didn't know we were good -
we just do this to make the kava taste better'.
This group has never been recorded before and,
in fact, this genre of Fijian.
Thank you everybody and I wish you all the
very best in your important endeavours and
undertakings. Have a great and prosperous
day.
For further information, please check my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
Oceania - The Hawaiian Music And Dance
Welcome Everybody!
It will be my great pleasure to be able to spend
a little time discussing the relationship between
the traditional music and dance forms of Oceania
with particular reference to the beautiful
Hawaiian hula.
In this respect there is often some confusion
as to which comes first, the music or the dance.
In a general sense it is fair to say that the
music, in the absence of any written language,
was one of the primary means by which much of
the cultural heritage of island people was
passed from one generation to the next.
Indeed the origins of traditional music are
generally quite obscure with the music having
been handed down by older folk to the younger
children. Composing traditional music involves
a considerable amount of ritualism and magic.
The composer does not compose the music
himself, but rather the song or songs are given
to the composers in a mythical setting - possibly
in a dream or a trance. The task of the composer
is then to follow the secret methodology that
his/her predecessors had passed on to him/her
to produce a song that is regarded as being
magically blessed.
In addition to traditional forms of music, the
second method of composing songs is one which
involves no magic and results from somebody
wishing to have a song made for him. In this
case, the person tells the story to be told to
the composer who listens intently and full of
concentration. At a later time, the composer
may ask for further information and the person
requesting the song must provide all the needed
details. The most commonly composed songs of this
nature are love songs. These are often about love
for someone you will never see again or a place
that you have left behind.
The most popular ones, however, are about love
between a boy and a girl, a man and a woman or
a husband and a wife.
The Polynesians are natural musicians and the
Samoans are no exception. They love to hear and
sing good music. Robert Louis Stevenson once said
that the Samoans composed a song for every trivial
occasion. . . Song is almost endless. The boatman
sings at the oar, the family at evening worship,
and the workman at his toil. No occasion is too
small for the poets and the musicians; a death, a
visit, the day's news and pleasantries will be set
to rhyme and harmony.
In this context, the dance forms resulting from the
music becomes an exciting visual and artistic
interpretation of this cultural heritage, including
love songs, conveyed by the music. Older style dancing
motions are slow, swaying and interpretive. Chants
and old poems are sung and recited on special
occasions. They are often referred to in speeches
and debates. They are also used to figure the time
of past historical events. The faataupati (clapping
in syncopation dance) is accompanied by ancient
war songs and drums.
Ancient and modern Samoan dances do not
use songs in three-four tempo. Most of the
songs composed for single or group dancers
are in four-four and two-four tempos. Drums
have often been used to accompany the
ancient dancers.
The early Tuvaluans, untouched by western
influences and aspirations, highly valued their
traditional singing and dancing. Apart from
simply providing entertainment, the fakanau
and fakaseasea, which were formerly very
popular form for dance, were composed to
commemorate the reign of an aliki or toa,
or to praise certain outstanding figures for
their skills in canoe building, fishing, house
building or for their wealth or bravery within
the community.
The fakanau which has a tune that is
between speech and singing was performed
while dancers are standing on their feet.
The rhythm of the fakanau is much quicker
than those of the fakaseasea and the present
day fatele. With the arrival of the
missionaries, because of the wide swaying
movements and actions required in the fakanau
were considered to be sexually stimulating,
efforts were made to put an end to this
kind of dancing. At first it was difficult,
but as more and more people came to accept
the new religious beliefs the pastors
became powerful and influential figures
who ultimately dominated the rights of the
aliki. Because of this the fakanau, which
the pastors regarded as evil dancing,
gradually declined until it disappeared
completely.
The fakaseasea is said to be as old as the
fakanau. This type of dancing is still
performed nowadays by elders. Unlike the
fakanau, the fakaseasea is sung much slower
to a lovely tune and has one or two
performers dancing on their feet. Normally
the fakaseasea requires no uniformity of
actions but the performers are free to make
actions which express the meanings of the
words. The survival of the fakaseasea up to
the present time is due to the fact that the
first pastors, fascinated by the lovely tune
and the gentle slow actions of the fakaseasea,
did not do anything to stop people from
performing it. However, in the early days the
unique fakanau did not only play an important
part in social entertainment but also in
worshipping. The faleaitu (house for gods) in
which the people worshipped their gods is
where one could hear different rituals and
fakanau. There were specially composed
fakanau which could convey to the gods the
worshippers' gratitude together with pleas for
mercy. During communal work such as digging
of pulaka pits the women sang and danced on
the banks while the men were busy digging.
In this way singing and dancing encouraged the
men and stopped them from getting tired easily.
Robert Louis Stevenson also wrote of Kiribati
Mwaie (Ruoia) that was performed on Butaritari:
"Of all they call dance in the Pacific, the
performance I saw on Butaritari was easily the
best...Gilbertese dance appeals to the soul: it
makes one thrill with emotion, it uplifts one, it
conquers one: it has the essence of all great art:
an immediate and far from exhausted appeal".
In Hawaii, traditional chants fall into two broad
categories referred to as mele oli and mele hula.
Before the arrival of Europeans in Hawai'i, the
term mele was used to mean "poetic language;"
it has since evolved to mean song. In early
Hawai'i, there was no melodic singing. Special
bards, or haku mele, spent years learning to
compose, recite and teach others to perform
the ancient chants, beginning their training
while still children.
Mele oli are chants unaccompanied by any
instrument that are generally performed by
one individual; while mele hula are chants
accompanied by dance or by dance and
musical instruments. Mele hula are often
performed by more than one person. Indeed,
there are dozens of kinds of chants, formal
and informal for specific occasions: mele pule
or prayer chants; mele inoa, an individual's
name chant; mele koihonua, which recounts
a person's genealogy; mele he'e nalu, a surfing
chant. There were chants of angst, chants to
grumble or praise, chants of affection, chants
to make a request of someone.
The power (mana) of a chant, lies in its
hidden meanings, or kaona. Hidden meanings,
such as rain as a metaphor for love, could
make a chant both a recounting of an actual
event within a family's history, or it could
tell of the love and passion that one person
might feel for another, depending on who
heard and understood the chant.
As the missionary influence became stronger
in the islands and the use of the Hawaiian
language was forbidden in public schools
in 1896, the art of chanting diminished and
indeed, many of the old chants have sadly
been lost forever. Fortunately, in the last
decade, a renaissance of pride in the
Hawaiian culture and the rebirth of the
Hawaiian language through immersion
classes for youngsters have brought
about a revival of chanting.
Unfortunately, in Hawaii, as in much of the
Pacific, the missionaries also did their best
to destroy the native dance forms, and, in
particular, the "lewd and lascivious Hawaii
hula". But they wrote detailed accounts of
the dances in their diaries, and these,
ironically, have provided a basis for the
current revival of the ancient and beautiful
hula.
In this context it is certainly pleasing to
see that Kulia i ka Punawai--Kumu Hula
Association of Southern California (a
non-profit organization of kumu hula--master
hula instructors--dedicated to perpetuation
of hula) has produced a new and exciting CD .
Titled "Kalakaua," the CD presents
contemporary settings of historical poetic
repertoire that honours Hawai'i's King David
Kalakaua. The centrepiece is a set of 15 mele
composed for Kalakaua's Birthday Jubilee in
1886, and published in the Hawaiian-language
newspapers. The CD contains the work of
some twelve award-winning kumu hula who
live and teach throughout Southern California.
Every one of the 15 mele is by a different
kumu hula, and the finale of the set, as well
as one other track on the CD, are mass numbers
in which all kumu hula participated. All texts
and translations are included with the CD, as
well as a historical essay. The CD should be
available through Amazon.com and also even
iTunes. In the mean time you are invited to
visit Punawai's temporary website at
http://sitemaker.umich.edu/punawai
It is certainly worth mentioning that this project
represents unprecedented collaborative effort
of hula practice and scholarly research. The
scale of historical reconstruction exceeds
anything undertaken to date. The results are
indeed a remarkable testament to the strength
and depth of the tradition of the magnificent
Hawaii hula in the 21st century.
That's all for now. I wish you all a wonderful
and prosperous day.
For further information, please check my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
It will be my great pleasure to be able to spend
a little time discussing the relationship between
the traditional music and dance forms of Oceania
with particular reference to the beautiful
Hawaiian hula.
In this respect there is often some confusion
as to which comes first, the music or the dance.
In a general sense it is fair to say that the
music, in the absence of any written language,
was one of the primary means by which much of
the cultural heritage of island people was
passed from one generation to the next.
Indeed the origins of traditional music are
generally quite obscure with the music having
been handed down by older folk to the younger
children. Composing traditional music involves
a considerable amount of ritualism and magic.
The composer does not compose the music
himself, but rather the song or songs are given
to the composers in a mythical setting - possibly
in a dream or a trance. The task of the composer
is then to follow the secret methodology that
his/her predecessors had passed on to him/her
to produce a song that is regarded as being
magically blessed.
In addition to traditional forms of music, the
second method of composing songs is one which
involves no magic and results from somebody
wishing to have a song made for him. In this
case, the person tells the story to be told to
the composer who listens intently and full of
concentration. At a later time, the composer
may ask for further information and the person
requesting the song must provide all the needed
details. The most commonly composed songs of this
nature are love songs. These are often about love
for someone you will never see again or a place
that you have left behind.
The most popular ones, however, are about love
between a boy and a girl, a man and a woman or
a husband and a wife.
The Polynesians are natural musicians and the
Samoans are no exception. They love to hear and
sing good music. Robert Louis Stevenson once said
that the Samoans composed a song for every trivial
occasion. . . Song is almost endless. The boatman
sings at the oar, the family at evening worship,
and the workman at his toil. No occasion is too
small for the poets and the musicians; a death, a
visit, the day's news and pleasantries will be set
to rhyme and harmony.
In this context, the dance forms resulting from the
music becomes an exciting visual and artistic
interpretation of this cultural heritage, including
love songs, conveyed by the music. Older style dancing
motions are slow, swaying and interpretive. Chants
and old poems are sung and recited on special
occasions. They are often referred to in speeches
and debates. They are also used to figure the time
of past historical events. The faataupati (clapping
in syncopation dance) is accompanied by ancient
war songs and drums.
Ancient and modern Samoan dances do not
use songs in three-four tempo. Most of the
songs composed for single or group dancers
are in four-four and two-four tempos. Drums
have often been used to accompany the
ancient dancers.
The early Tuvaluans, untouched by western
influences and aspirations, highly valued their
traditional singing and dancing. Apart from
simply providing entertainment, the fakanau
and fakaseasea, which were formerly very
popular form for dance, were composed to
commemorate the reign of an aliki or toa,
or to praise certain outstanding figures for
their skills in canoe building, fishing, house
building or for their wealth or bravery within
the community.
The fakanau which has a tune that is
between speech and singing was performed
while dancers are standing on their feet.
The rhythm of the fakanau is much quicker
than those of the fakaseasea and the present
day fatele. With the arrival of the
missionaries, because of the wide swaying
movements and actions required in the fakanau
were considered to be sexually stimulating,
efforts were made to put an end to this
kind of dancing. At first it was difficult,
but as more and more people came to accept
the new religious beliefs the pastors
became powerful and influential figures
who ultimately dominated the rights of the
aliki. Because of this the fakanau, which
the pastors regarded as evil dancing,
gradually declined until it disappeared
completely.
The fakaseasea is said to be as old as the
fakanau. This type of dancing is still
performed nowadays by elders. Unlike the
fakanau, the fakaseasea is sung much slower
to a lovely tune and has one or two
performers dancing on their feet. Normally
the fakaseasea requires no uniformity of
actions but the performers are free to make
actions which express the meanings of the
words. The survival of the fakaseasea up to
the present time is due to the fact that the
first pastors, fascinated by the lovely tune
and the gentle slow actions of the fakaseasea,
did not do anything to stop people from
performing it. However, in the early days the
unique fakanau did not only play an important
part in social entertainment but also in
worshipping. The faleaitu (house for gods) in
which the people worshipped their gods is
where one could hear different rituals and
fakanau. There were specially composed
fakanau which could convey to the gods the
worshippers' gratitude together with pleas for
mercy. During communal work such as digging
of pulaka pits the women sang and danced on
the banks while the men were busy digging.
In this way singing and dancing encouraged the
men and stopped them from getting tired easily.
Robert Louis Stevenson also wrote of Kiribati
Mwaie (Ruoia) that was performed on Butaritari:
"Of all they call dance in the Pacific, the
performance I saw on Butaritari was easily the
best...Gilbertese dance appeals to the soul: it
makes one thrill with emotion, it uplifts one, it
conquers one: it has the essence of all great art:
an immediate and far from exhausted appeal".
In Hawaii, traditional chants fall into two broad
categories referred to as mele oli and mele hula.
Before the arrival of Europeans in Hawai'i, the
term mele was used to mean "poetic language;"
it has since evolved to mean song. In early
Hawai'i, there was no melodic singing. Special
bards, or haku mele, spent years learning to
compose, recite and teach others to perform
the ancient chants, beginning their training
while still children.
Mele oli are chants unaccompanied by any
instrument that are generally performed by
one individual; while mele hula are chants
accompanied by dance or by dance and
musical instruments. Mele hula are often
performed by more than one person. Indeed,
there are dozens of kinds of chants, formal
and informal for specific occasions: mele pule
or prayer chants; mele inoa, an individual's
name chant; mele koihonua, which recounts
a person's genealogy; mele he'e nalu, a surfing
chant. There were chants of angst, chants to
grumble or praise, chants of affection, chants
to make a request of someone.
The power (mana) of a chant, lies in its
hidden meanings, or kaona. Hidden meanings,
such as rain as a metaphor for love, could
make a chant both a recounting of an actual
event within a family's history, or it could
tell of the love and passion that one person
might feel for another, depending on who
heard and understood the chant.
As the missionary influence became stronger
in the islands and the use of the Hawaiian
language was forbidden in public schools
in 1896, the art of chanting diminished and
indeed, many of the old chants have sadly
been lost forever. Fortunately, in the last
decade, a renaissance of pride in the
Hawaiian culture and the rebirth of the
Hawaiian language through immersion
classes for youngsters have brought
about a revival of chanting.
Unfortunately, in Hawaii, as in much of the
Pacific, the missionaries also did their best
to destroy the native dance forms, and, in
particular, the "lewd and lascivious Hawaii
hula". But they wrote detailed accounts of
the dances in their diaries, and these,
ironically, have provided a basis for the
current revival of the ancient and beautiful
hula.
In this context it is certainly pleasing to
see that Kulia i ka Punawai--Kumu Hula
Association of Southern California (a
non-profit organization of kumu hula--master
hula instructors--dedicated to perpetuation
of hula) has produced a new and exciting CD .
Titled "Kalakaua," the CD presents
contemporary settings of historical poetic
repertoire that honours Hawai'i's King David
Kalakaua. The centrepiece is a set of 15 mele
composed for Kalakaua's Birthday Jubilee in
1886, and published in the Hawaiian-language
newspapers. The CD contains the work of
some twelve award-winning kumu hula who
live and teach throughout Southern California.
Every one of the 15 mele is by a different
kumu hula, and the finale of the set, as well
as one other track on the CD, are mass numbers
in which all kumu hula participated. All texts
and translations are included with the CD, as
well as a historical essay. The CD should be
available through Amazon.com and also even
iTunes. In the mean time you are invited to
visit Punawai's temporary website at
http://sitemaker.umich.edu/punawai
It is certainly worth mentioning that this project
represents unprecedented collaborative effort
of hula practice and scholarly research. The
scale of historical reconstruction exceeds
anything undertaken to date. The results are
indeed a remarkable testament to the strength
and depth of the tradition of the magnificent
Hawaii hula in the 21st century.
That's all for now. I wish you all a wonderful
and prosperous day.
For further information, please check my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
The Music Of The New Zealand Maori
Welcome Everybody!
I would like to talk a little about the
music and, in particular, the traditional
music of the New Zealand Maori.
Certainly, the music of the New Zealand
Maori, ranging from diva Dame Kiri Te
Kanawa to traditional choirs and popular
music stars, have gained an appreciative
worldwide audience.
The New Zealand Maori are, of course,
Polynesian, and have lived in New
Zealand ever since approximately the
eleventh century A.D. They refer to their
homeland as Aotearoa, The Land of the
Long White Cloud. In terms of the origins
of the Maori, modern evidence, including
DNA analysis, confirms the opinion that
modern man, in the form of Homo sapiens,
first came out of Africa as early as 160,000
years ago. Of the pioneers who moved
across Asia, one group moved south-east
down through the Indo-Malaysian archipelago,
crossing over into Australia during a brief
window of opportunity 65,000 years ago
when water levels dropped. They also
reached Papua, also possibly as early as
65,000 years ago, eventually moving from
there across the Pacific.
Archaeologists believe that Polynesian people
came from a small central group that spoke the
Austronesian language on the island of Taiwan.
Genetic studies have also now indicated that
the ancestors of this group were the sailors
of the great canoes who started out on their
journey further back along the trail in eastern
Indonesia.
Researchers in New Zealand have also recently
concluded that the male and female ancestors
of Maori people came from different places.
The team, from Victoria University in Wellington,
New Zealand, have found that Maori women
have genetic markers that suggest their ancestors
came from mainland South-east Asia, probably
about 6,000 years ago. As they travelled south
from island to island, it appears that Melanesian
men joined the men and women on the boat,
with a small group of people eventually arriving
in New Zealand via the Polynesian triangle,
about 1,000 years ago.
Indeed, the word Polynesia, which means many
islands, comes from the Greek words 'poly'
which means 'many' and 'nesos' which means
'island'. Polynesia stretches in a huge triangle
from New Zealand in the southwest to Easter
Island, 8,000 kilometres away in the southeast
and up to Hawaii at its northern point. The
Polynesian people are lighter skinned and are
generally taller than the Melanesian and
Micronesian people.
The Maori view of creation in which all nature
was seen as a great kinship tracing its origins
back to a single pair, the Sky Father and the
Earth Mother, was a conception which they
brought with them when they came from
Central Polynesia about 1,000 A.D.
Furthermore, this belief in a primal pair, as
well as the metaphysical idea of an original
Void or Darkness, seems to be part of the
stock of ideas which the ancestors of the
Polynesians brought with them from the
west, from the Asian mainland, and which
they carried with them as they dispersed
into marginal Polynesia. The resultant shift
in names and attributes, and the elaboration
of themes which occurred throughout the
area certainly cannot obscure this underlying
unity of ideas.
The name 'Maori' is derived from Ma-Uri,
which means 'Children of Heaven'. Their
nickname is 'Vikings of the Sunrise', because
they are fierce warriors. Originally, they were
hunters, but soon became peasants, living off
agriculture. Today, approximately 300.000
Maori are mainly living in the cities, but they
remain closely connected to their tribes. Their
tribal groupings are derived from the people
of each canoe, settling New Zealand in the
early times.
Traditional Maori villages are fortified with
an open space in the centre, called the 'marae',
on which the meeting house or 'whare hui' is
located. This building represents the symbolic
body of the ancestor. Around the fort sites,
a palisade with watch tower is built. In these
watch towers are suspended alarm gongs
comprising huge wooden plates referred to
as 'pahu'.
The Maori religion is closely related to nature
and to the ancestors. Nature itself is considered
a living being and thus the interaction between
man and nature is bound by prescripts and
rituals. The notion 'tapu' (sacred), from which
the word 'tabu' is deduced, is still a central
notion in contemporary Maori society.
Tiki are anthropomorphic ornaments representing
spiritual beings. Many times they have some kind
of deformation, like only 3 fingers and they can
be both positive and negative towards mankind.
Much of the Maori religion remains intact and many
rituals associated with traditional visual arts and
traditional music are still carried out with strong
ties between songs and magic still remaining.
Traditional Maori music, in the main, only used
aerophones and idiophones to support the vocals.
Aerophones were mainly of the following types.
Koauau, which can be made out of different
materials: wood or even a human bone. It is a
straight blown flute, blown under an angle, 12 to
15 cm long and with a bore of 1 to 2 cm. When
the instrument isn't played, it's worn around the
neck. It has 3 finger holes.
Porutu is a flute similar to the koauau but
longer: it measures between 30 and 40 cm.
There is doubt about wether it is an original
Maori instrument or an imitation of the western
flute. Nguru is a small instrument (8 to 10 cm).
It is curved at one end, because originally this
flute was made out of a whale tooth. It can also
be made out of wood, stone, clay. It has one
open end like the koauau and one small
opening at the curved end. It has 2 to 4 finger
holes.
Whio is a bone flute made out of an albatross
bone. The instrument is 15 cm long, has a
diameter of 1.5 cm and 4 finger holes. The
instrument was played by men in order to
attract the attention of women they longed for.
Puukaaea is a wooden war trumpet, made out
of two pieces of wood cut lengthwise and
hollowed out. Both pieces are again assembled
and kept in place by fibres or ropes. The length
varies between 1m and 2,5 meter. At one side
there is a sculptured wooden mouthpiece and
the other side of the instrument is broader
and resembles an open mouth. Inside tohu are
sculptures, representing the human tonsils and
uvula. The puukaaea could be used during the
war as a megaphone or as an alarm instrument.
Puutoorino, which is often referred to as a
bugle-flute instead of trumpet, because the
instrument could also be used as a flute, but
originally it was a trumpet. It is about 30 to
60 cm long and is made as the puukaaea out
of two pieces of wood, but here widest in the
middle and more narrow at both end sides.
In the middle are sound holes, mostly in the
shape of an eight, are made as the open
mouth of a sculptured face. Near the
mouthpiece, another face is carved, or a
tiki (men/spirit) or a manaia (men/bird). The
player placed his hand over the sound hole
in order to change the tones of the instrument.
Originally, this instrument was mainly used to
announce the coming and arrival of a tribal
chief.
Teetere are flax trumpets simply made by
winding a leaf to a horn shape. It was
probably a children's toy, but could also be
used to announce one's arrival in the village.
Non-blown aerophones include the
Puurorohuu which is a bullroarer made out
of a piece of wood. By swinging the bullroarer
around, a roaring sound is produced which it
was thought would bring rain. The idiophone
used comprised the following. Pahuu are
wooden gongs: flat slabs of resonant wood,
which were horizontally suspended above a
platform in the watch tower of the palisade
around the fortified village. It was hit in
case of danger, but also used to call the men
to go to war.Some tribes, living in the woods,
carved their war pahuu out of a hollow tree.
The wooden slab was sometimes cut away
and separated from the tree or sometimes it
remained a fixed part of the tree.
Paakuru is an instrument, which is held
between the teeth of the player, can be
compared to a jew's-harp. It comprised a
simple piece of wood of 40 to 50 cm long,
2 to 5 cm broad and 1 cm thick, struck by
a little wooden stick. The sound is changed
by the position of the mouth and the
movements of the lips. Nowadays, the
paakuru knows a revival as a whalebone
paakuru. Rooria are similar to paakuru, but
smaller: only 7 to 10 cm long. Maori lovers
use it for intimate conversations. Finally,
Tokere are whalebones used as clappers.
The traditional vocal music can be divided
in two categories: the recitatives and the
songs. The recitatives have no fixed pitch
organisation and the tempo is much higher
than the song's tempo. Among the recitatives
is a welcome ceremony known as Powhiri.
This welcome ceremony is a mixed form.
Men shout fiercely, whilst women sing in a
melodic way. The Powhiri often starts with
the men standing in front of the women. The
men make clear they are ready for a battle
by shouting, menacing with their weapons
and grimacing. After a while, the women
gently come to the front, singing and carrying
green leaves. The men kneeled down on one
knee and put their weapons on the floor.
Most of the time a Powhiri ends with a haka
(men song) without weapons.
Haka are shouted speeches by men, combined
with a fierce dance. Haka Taparahi are
performed without weapons and they can give
expression to different emotions depending
on the situation for which they are performed.
Haka Peruperu are performed with weapons
and associated with war dances.
Another form of recitative is known as Ngeri
and is used to annihilate any form of tapu.
Other forms of recitatives are Karakia which
are quick incantations and spells.They are used
during daily life by both adults and children, but
also during rituals. The ritual karakia is difficult
and dangerous to execute, because a mistake
during the performance will attract bad luck,
illness and even the death of the reciter. For
very important karakia, two priest reciters
are needed in order to alternate the breathing
pause, because even the slightest moment of
silence could result into disaster. Paatere are
mainly performed in group and composed by
women in answer to gossip. The texts of
paatere consist merely out of summing up
of the kinship connections of the author.
Kaioraora are like paatere answers to
gossip but with a rude, offensive text
The second form of traditional music are
Songs and the Sung Poetry, also called Nga
Moteatea, which often consist mainly of
laments, but sometimes also consist of love
songs and lullabies. Traditionally, sung
poetry of this form was accompanied by a
koauau flute.
Traditional songs comprise the following
forms: Poi, which are songs accompanied
by a form of dance in which women hit their
body rhythmically with one or two mainly
cotton balls attached to the end of a string.
Oriori, which are songs composed to teach
children of high rank about their special
descent and history.Pao are songs originating
out of a kind of instant-composing: the
composer sings the first couplet and is then
repeated by the chorus, and so on. These
are songs of local interest. They can be
funny or serious.Waiata is the most common
category of Maori songs and comprise
laments about different topics. Traditionally,
waiata are sung in groups and in unisono.
Waiata tangi are laments for the dead. The
word 'tangi' means 'weeping'. This form is
mainly composed by women. During burial
ceremonies, women were expected to show
signs of deep grief, for example, by
wounding their faces with sharp stones.
Sometimes, these waiata were very personal,
telling about the composer's emotions and
feelings towards the dead. When composed
by men, the waiata tangi can also instruct us
about the warrior qualities of the dead person.
They can also, for example, allude to most of
the calamities that can befall mankind.
Finally, waiata ahore are love songs, and
waiata whaiaaipo are songs for the beloved
one. They are often still laments and tell
us about all the misery that a love affair
can provoke.
There is little doubt that Maori music, like
that of other Pacific Islanders, has changed
under the influence of western culture. In
this respect, it is most pleasing to see, next
to the commercialisation, a strong revival of
the traditional Maori music, along with a
growing pride in the beautiful traditional
Maori culture.
FEATURE ARTIST
PAPUA NEW GUINEA STRINGBANDS
Papua New Guinea Stringbands CD Songs
Of The Volcano is a fascinating, raw and
unique sound from five villages in East New
Britain with five different Tolai stringbands..
Papua New Guinea is home to a huge
indigenous population speaking more than
800 languages, it laid largely undiscovered
until the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, and hence is one of the last
places on the planet to have guitars arrive
from afar. Rabaul, in Papua New Guinea's
far flung province of East New Britain, is a
town which has had its share of hard times.
In the same century, it has been destroyed
twice by massive volcanic cataclysms and
once by a devastating war imposed on it
by outsiders. The Tolai people of Rabaul
have suffered greatly from these natural
and manmade disasters and yet, somehow,
have always managed to bounce back and
keep their spirits high. One of the main
contributing factors to their capacity for
optimism is their music, an energetic and
unique blend of voices and instruments
performed by the community's local
stringbands.
The music carries a fragile innocence
and beauty reminiscent of what guitar
music may have sounded like, in Hawaii
in 1860, or Mexico in 1830. Most music
travelled throughout the Pacific Ocean
on boats, with sailors leaving behind
instruments and ideas to then percolate
in isolation. Hence, the music on this
album will seem at once exotic, yet
somehow familiar.Even today, there is
still very little mass media penetration
in Papua New Guinea, though that is
changing, and thus makes the
preservation of the traditional music
even more necessary. Material from
this CD is being proudly featured on
our Pacific Islands Radio, and it is
highly recommended for those who
enjoy vibrant and compelling guitar
music performed from the heart.
That's all for now my friends. I wish
you a wonderful day with a prosperous
and happy weekend. See you all later.
For further information, please check out my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
I would like to talk a little about the
music and, in particular, the traditional
music of the New Zealand Maori.
Certainly, the music of the New Zealand
Maori, ranging from diva Dame Kiri Te
Kanawa to traditional choirs and popular
music stars, have gained an appreciative
worldwide audience.
The New Zealand Maori are, of course,
Polynesian, and have lived in New
Zealand ever since approximately the
eleventh century A.D. They refer to their
homeland as Aotearoa, The Land of the
Long White Cloud. In terms of the origins
of the Maori, modern evidence, including
DNA analysis, confirms the opinion that
modern man, in the form of Homo sapiens,
first came out of Africa as early as 160,000
years ago. Of the pioneers who moved
across Asia, one group moved south-east
down through the Indo-Malaysian archipelago,
crossing over into Australia during a brief
window of opportunity 65,000 years ago
when water levels dropped. They also
reached Papua, also possibly as early as
65,000 years ago, eventually moving from
there across the Pacific.
Archaeologists believe that Polynesian people
came from a small central group that spoke the
Austronesian language on the island of Taiwan.
Genetic studies have also now indicated that
the ancestors of this group were the sailors
of the great canoes who started out on their
journey further back along the trail in eastern
Indonesia.
Researchers in New Zealand have also recently
concluded that the male and female ancestors
of Maori people came from different places.
The team, from Victoria University in Wellington,
New Zealand, have found that Maori women
have genetic markers that suggest their ancestors
came from mainland South-east Asia, probably
about 6,000 years ago. As they travelled south
from island to island, it appears that Melanesian
men joined the men and women on the boat,
with a small group of people eventually arriving
in New Zealand via the Polynesian triangle,
about 1,000 years ago.
Indeed, the word Polynesia, which means many
islands, comes from the Greek words 'poly'
which means 'many' and 'nesos' which means
'island'. Polynesia stretches in a huge triangle
from New Zealand in the southwest to Easter
Island, 8,000 kilometres away in the southeast
and up to Hawaii at its northern point. The
Polynesian people are lighter skinned and are
generally taller than the Melanesian and
Micronesian people.
The Maori view of creation in which all nature
was seen as a great kinship tracing its origins
back to a single pair, the Sky Father and the
Earth Mother, was a conception which they
brought with them when they came from
Central Polynesia about 1,000 A.D.
Furthermore, this belief in a primal pair, as
well as the metaphysical idea of an original
Void or Darkness, seems to be part of the
stock of ideas which the ancestors of the
Polynesians brought with them from the
west, from the Asian mainland, and which
they carried with them as they dispersed
into marginal Polynesia. The resultant shift
in names and attributes, and the elaboration
of themes which occurred throughout the
area certainly cannot obscure this underlying
unity of ideas.
The name 'Maori' is derived from Ma-Uri,
which means 'Children of Heaven'. Their
nickname is 'Vikings of the Sunrise', because
they are fierce warriors. Originally, they were
hunters, but soon became peasants, living off
agriculture. Today, approximately 300.000
Maori are mainly living in the cities, but they
remain closely connected to their tribes. Their
tribal groupings are derived from the people
of each canoe, settling New Zealand in the
early times.
Traditional Maori villages are fortified with
an open space in the centre, called the 'marae',
on which the meeting house or 'whare hui' is
located. This building represents the symbolic
body of the ancestor. Around the fort sites,
a palisade with watch tower is built. In these
watch towers are suspended alarm gongs
comprising huge wooden plates referred to
as 'pahu'.
The Maori religion is closely related to nature
and to the ancestors. Nature itself is considered
a living being and thus the interaction between
man and nature is bound by prescripts and
rituals. The notion 'tapu' (sacred), from which
the word 'tabu' is deduced, is still a central
notion in contemporary Maori society.
Tiki are anthropomorphic ornaments representing
spiritual beings. Many times they have some kind
of deformation, like only 3 fingers and they can
be both positive and negative towards mankind.
Much of the Maori religion remains intact and many
rituals associated with traditional visual arts and
traditional music are still carried out with strong
ties between songs and magic still remaining.
Traditional Maori music, in the main, only used
aerophones and idiophones to support the vocals.
Aerophones were mainly of the following types.
Koauau, which can be made out of different
materials: wood or even a human bone. It is a
straight blown flute, blown under an angle, 12 to
15 cm long and with a bore of 1 to 2 cm. When
the instrument isn't played, it's worn around the
neck. It has 3 finger holes.
Porutu is a flute similar to the koauau but
longer: it measures between 30 and 40 cm.
There is doubt about wether it is an original
Maori instrument or an imitation of the western
flute. Nguru is a small instrument (8 to 10 cm).
It is curved at one end, because originally this
flute was made out of a whale tooth. It can also
be made out of wood, stone, clay. It has one
open end like the koauau and one small
opening at the curved end. It has 2 to 4 finger
holes.
Whio is a bone flute made out of an albatross
bone. The instrument is 15 cm long, has a
diameter of 1.5 cm and 4 finger holes. The
instrument was played by men in order to
attract the attention of women they longed for.
Puukaaea is a wooden war trumpet, made out
of two pieces of wood cut lengthwise and
hollowed out. Both pieces are again assembled
and kept in place by fibres or ropes. The length
varies between 1m and 2,5 meter. At one side
there is a sculptured wooden mouthpiece and
the other side of the instrument is broader
and resembles an open mouth. Inside tohu are
sculptures, representing the human tonsils and
uvula. The puukaaea could be used during the
war as a megaphone or as an alarm instrument.
Puutoorino, which is often referred to as a
bugle-flute instead of trumpet, because the
instrument could also be used as a flute, but
originally it was a trumpet. It is about 30 to
60 cm long and is made as the puukaaea out
of two pieces of wood, but here widest in the
middle and more narrow at both end sides.
In the middle are sound holes, mostly in the
shape of an eight, are made as the open
mouth of a sculptured face. Near the
mouthpiece, another face is carved, or a
tiki (men/spirit) or a manaia (men/bird). The
player placed his hand over the sound hole
in order to change the tones of the instrument.
Originally, this instrument was mainly used to
announce the coming and arrival of a tribal
chief.
Teetere are flax trumpets simply made by
winding a leaf to a horn shape. It was
probably a children's toy, but could also be
used to announce one's arrival in the village.
Non-blown aerophones include the
Puurorohuu which is a bullroarer made out
of a piece of wood. By swinging the bullroarer
around, a roaring sound is produced which it
was thought would bring rain. The idiophone
used comprised the following. Pahuu are
wooden gongs: flat slabs of resonant wood,
which were horizontally suspended above a
platform in the watch tower of the palisade
around the fortified village. It was hit in
case of danger, but also used to call the men
to go to war.Some tribes, living in the woods,
carved their war pahuu out of a hollow tree.
The wooden slab was sometimes cut away
and separated from the tree or sometimes it
remained a fixed part of the tree.
Paakuru is an instrument, which is held
between the teeth of the player, can be
compared to a jew's-harp. It comprised a
simple piece of wood of 40 to 50 cm long,
2 to 5 cm broad and 1 cm thick, struck by
a little wooden stick. The sound is changed
by the position of the mouth and the
movements of the lips. Nowadays, the
paakuru knows a revival as a whalebone
paakuru. Rooria are similar to paakuru, but
smaller: only 7 to 10 cm long. Maori lovers
use it for intimate conversations. Finally,
Tokere are whalebones used as clappers.
The traditional vocal music can be divided
in two categories: the recitatives and the
songs. The recitatives have no fixed pitch
organisation and the tempo is much higher
than the song's tempo. Among the recitatives
is a welcome ceremony known as Powhiri.
This welcome ceremony is a mixed form.
Men shout fiercely, whilst women sing in a
melodic way. The Powhiri often starts with
the men standing in front of the women. The
men make clear they are ready for a battle
by shouting, menacing with their weapons
and grimacing. After a while, the women
gently come to the front, singing and carrying
green leaves. The men kneeled down on one
knee and put their weapons on the floor.
Most of the time a Powhiri ends with a haka
(men song) without weapons.
Haka are shouted speeches by men, combined
with a fierce dance. Haka Taparahi are
performed without weapons and they can give
expression to different emotions depending
on the situation for which they are performed.
Haka Peruperu are performed with weapons
and associated with war dances.
Another form of recitative is known as Ngeri
and is used to annihilate any form of tapu.
Other forms of recitatives are Karakia which
are quick incantations and spells.They are used
during daily life by both adults and children, but
also during rituals. The ritual karakia is difficult
and dangerous to execute, because a mistake
during the performance will attract bad luck,
illness and even the death of the reciter. For
very important karakia, two priest reciters
are needed in order to alternate the breathing
pause, because even the slightest moment of
silence could result into disaster. Paatere are
mainly performed in group and composed by
women in answer to gossip. The texts of
paatere consist merely out of summing up
of the kinship connections of the author.
Kaioraora are like paatere answers to
gossip but with a rude, offensive text
The second form of traditional music are
Songs and the Sung Poetry, also called Nga
Moteatea, which often consist mainly of
laments, but sometimes also consist of love
songs and lullabies. Traditionally, sung
poetry of this form was accompanied by a
koauau flute.
Traditional songs comprise the following
forms: Poi, which are songs accompanied
by a form of dance in which women hit their
body rhythmically with one or two mainly
cotton balls attached to the end of a string.
Oriori, which are songs composed to teach
children of high rank about their special
descent and history.Pao are songs originating
out of a kind of instant-composing: the
composer sings the first couplet and is then
repeated by the chorus, and so on. These
are songs of local interest. They can be
funny or serious.Waiata is the most common
category of Maori songs and comprise
laments about different topics. Traditionally,
waiata are sung in groups and in unisono.
Waiata tangi are laments for the dead. The
word 'tangi' means 'weeping'. This form is
mainly composed by women. During burial
ceremonies, women were expected to show
signs of deep grief, for example, by
wounding their faces with sharp stones.
Sometimes, these waiata were very personal,
telling about the composer's emotions and
feelings towards the dead. When composed
by men, the waiata tangi can also instruct us
about the warrior qualities of the dead person.
They can also, for example, allude to most of
the calamities that can befall mankind.
Finally, waiata ahore are love songs, and
waiata whaiaaipo are songs for the beloved
one. They are often still laments and tell
us about all the misery that a love affair
can provoke.
There is little doubt that Maori music, like
that of other Pacific Islanders, has changed
under the influence of western culture. In
this respect, it is most pleasing to see, next
to the commercialisation, a strong revival of
the traditional Maori music, along with a
growing pride in the beautiful traditional
Maori culture.
FEATURE ARTIST
PAPUA NEW GUINEA STRINGBANDS
Papua New Guinea Stringbands CD Songs
Of The Volcano is a fascinating, raw and
unique sound from five villages in East New
Britain with five different Tolai stringbands..
Papua New Guinea is home to a huge
indigenous population speaking more than
800 languages, it laid largely undiscovered
until the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries, and hence is one of the last
places on the planet to have guitars arrive
from afar. Rabaul, in Papua New Guinea's
far flung province of East New Britain, is a
town which has had its share of hard times.
In the same century, it has been destroyed
twice by massive volcanic cataclysms and
once by a devastating war imposed on it
by outsiders. The Tolai people of Rabaul
have suffered greatly from these natural
and manmade disasters and yet, somehow,
have always managed to bounce back and
keep their spirits high. One of the main
contributing factors to their capacity for
optimism is their music, an energetic and
unique blend of voices and instruments
performed by the community's local
stringbands.
The music carries a fragile innocence
and beauty reminiscent of what guitar
music may have sounded like, in Hawaii
in 1860, or Mexico in 1830. Most music
travelled throughout the Pacific Ocean
on boats, with sailors leaving behind
instruments and ideas to then percolate
in isolation. Hence, the music on this
album will seem at once exotic, yet
somehow familiar.Even today, there is
still very little mass media penetration
in Papua New Guinea, though that is
changing, and thus makes the
preservation of the traditional music
even more necessary. Material from
this CD is being proudly featured on
our Pacific Islands Radio, and it is
highly recommended for those who
enjoy vibrant and compelling guitar
music performed from the heart.
That's all for now my friends. I wish
you a wonderful day with a prosperous
and happy weekend. See you all later.
For further information, please check out my four Domains:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
Some Interesting Melanesian And Aboriginal Music
Welcome Everybody!
I would like to share with you some thoughts
on the traditional and modern music, as well
as dance forms of New Caledonia. As you well
know, New Caledonia is a multi-cultural society,
the original inhabitants are Melanesians with
links to Papuans and Australian Aborigines,
and they often refer to themselves as
'Ti-Va-Ouere', or 'Brothers of the Earth'.
There are an estimated 27 Kanak languages
coexisting in New Caledonia. However, after
being actively discouraged - or at least ignored -
by the French, there is no single unifying
Kanak language. The clan, not the individual,
was the most important element of traditional
Kanak culture, and la coûtume, a code
encompassing rites, rituals and social interaction
between the clans, is the essential component
of Kanak identity today. It also maintains a
crucial link with the individual's ancestors.
The later inhabitants are often referred to as
'Caldoches', or 'White New Caledonians', are
mostly descended from French convicts and have
forged their own culture, more akin to that of
rural Australians or rural Americans than the
metropolitan French.
As mentioned above, the indigenous Melanesian
inhabitants of New Caledonia are the Kanak
(formerly also 'Canaque'), and comprise 45% of
the total population of New. Caledonia. The word
is derived from kanaka maoli, a Hawaiian word
which was, at one time, applied indiscriminately by
European explorers, traders and missionaries in the
region to any non-European Pacific islander. Prior
to European contact, there was no unified state in
New Caledonia, and no single self-appellation used
to refer to its inhabitants.
Other words have been coined from Kanak in the
past few generations: Kanaky is an ethno-political
name for the island or the entire territory. Kanéka
is a musical genre associated with the Kanak,
stylistically a form of reggae with added flutes,
percussion and harmonies. Kaneka often has
political lyrics and is sung in Drehu, Paici or
other Melanesian languages, or in French. Kanakas
were Pacific islanders (not just Melanesians) who
were abducted to Australia, Chile or Canada to
perform forced labour during the 19th century.
The German racial epithet Kanake (now applied
to all non-whites, or even southern Europeans,
but originally to Oceanians) also derives from
the name.
For the Melanesian people of New Caledonia,
music-making was an important element of
traditional ceremonies such as initiation,
courting or the end of mourning, and always
accompanied dance and song. Sometimes instruments
were played simply for the clan's entertainment.
Above all, however, Kanak music is vocal. There
are no Kanak words for music or musical instrument.
Rather their terminology is more appropriately
translated as 'sound-producing' instruments, the
classing example being the conch shell, which,
when blown, represents the call of the chief or
the voice of an ancestor. Many instruments were
made for a specific occasion, and include rhythm
instruments and bamboo flutes.
Other traditional instruments used in ancient
Kanak culture were:
Jews-harp (wadohnu in the Nengone language
where it originated) made from a dried piece of
coconut palm leaf held between the teeth and an
attached segment of soft nerve leaf. When the
harp is struck, the musician's mouth acts as an
amplifying chamber, producing a soft, low sound.
Coconut-leaf whizzer (maguk-in Pije): a piece
of coconut leaf attached to a string and twirled,
producing a noise like a humming bee.
Oboe: made from hollow grass stems or bamboo.
End-blown flute: made from a 50cm-long hollowed
pawpaw leaf stem. The pitch varies depending on
the position of the lips and how forcefully the
air is blown through the flute.
Bamboo stamping tubes: struck vertically against
the ground and played at main events.
Percussion instruments: These included hitting
sticks, palm sheaths that were strummed to hit,
and clappers made from a hard bark filled with
dried grass and soft niaouli bark, tied together
and hit against each other.
Rattles: worn around the legs and made from
coconut leaves, shells and certain fruits. Conch
or Triton's shell: used like a trumpet on special
occasions and played by a special appointee.
The Kanaks have developed dance into a high art
form. The traditional pilou dance tells the stories of
births, marriages, cyclones or preparations for battle,
although colonial authorities banned pilous in 1951
for the high-energy and trance-like state they induced
in the dancers.
Most contemporary Kanak music is labelled 'Kaneka',
a musical concept that incorporated both current
techniques and Kanak heritage that blended modern
instruments with ancestral harmonies and rhythms, and
married traditional stories and legends with lyrics that
call for an end to repression. Most songs are sung in
Kanak languages. Sadly, much of the traditional music
of New Caledonia has been forgotten, and there is only
a limited number of musical expressions from which the
young musicians can take their ideas. The most evident
link between kaneka and their grandfathers' music is
the use of traditional percussion instruments.
However, how percussion instruments accompany
traditional singing and how they accompany kaneka
music can show important differences. Perhaps the
typical Melanesian element in kaneka lies not in
the music itself but in the way the musicians treat
kaneka as a cultural and political movement.
Immensely popular with young people throughout
the country, Kaneka's chief exponents are bands
such as Mexem (from Lifou), Gurejele (Mare) and
Vamaley (Voh). A contemporary Kanak group that's
big with teenagers is OK! Ryos, a young trio from
Mare headed by Edouard Wamejo.The most well-
known modern record label on New Caledonia is
Alain Lecante's Mangrove Studios, which distributes
much of the Kaneka music.
In order to listen to some of the above contemporary
music, you are invited to Jane Resture's Pacific
Islands Radio at: Pacific Islands Radio -
www.pacificislandsradio.com and click on
Jane Resture's flagship station at the following URL:
Pacific Islands Radio
http://www.live365.com/stations/janeresture
On a final note, I would like to mention that Pacific
Islands Radio has always been very proud to feature
the music of Australian Aboriginal group Yothu Yindi,
whose song 'Treaty', a plea for understanding between
black and white Australia, became an International
hit.
Indeed, it was sixteen years ago that lead singer,
Mandawuy Yunupingu, sang his way into the heart of
the nation with this Anthem of his people and, in
1993, he was named Australian of the Year.
Sadly, last January 2007, a now very frail Yunupingu
entered a drug and alcohol rehabilitation centre. The
man, so many thought of as an inspiration to us all, is
now fighting for his life. Winning the battle for sobriety
is just one of Yunupingu's health challenges. He is also
diabetic and will soon have dialysis treatment for renal
failure. He is a long way from the optimistic voice that
spoke from his warrior's heart, a heart that carried the
hopes of so many Australians, black and white.
The story of Yunupingu is intrinsically tied to the
struggle of his people and his family name is synonymous
with the struggle for Aboriginal land rights.
Yunupingu is well aware that, with substance abuse and
diabetes-related illness killing so many of his people,
this is one battle that he cannot afford to lose - not
only for himself and his family, but also for those who
have been inspired by him and, in particular, through
his music.
If I may, I would like to humbly ask you all to join with
me in extending to this most remarkable man, Mandawuy
Yunupingu, our warmest wishes, along with our loving
thoughts and prayers.
Mandawuy, along with his artistic and talented band,
Yothu Yindi, have certainly provided the inspiration
for a splendid-shared understanding and vision between
indigenous and non-indigenous people, both in Australia
and worldwide.
For a little more information on Australian Aboriginal
music and Mandawuy Yunupingu, you are invited to visit:
http://www.janesoceania.com/australian_aboriginal_music/index1.htm
FEATURE ARTIST
PAUL TAYLOR
Paul Taylor is an acclaimed storyteller and didgeridoo
player who has collaborated with Don Spencer, one
of Australia's most recognized children's performers,
to produce a most interesting album entitled 'Cooee'.
The word 'Cooee' describes a shout used in the Australian
outback mainly to attract attention, find missing people, or
indicate one's own location. When done correctly - loudly
and shrilly - a call of "cooee" can carry over a considerable
distance. Historically, the call began as an Indigenous
Australian custom borrowed from the Aboriginal Dharuk
people, the original inhabitants of the Sydney area, and has
now become widely used in Australia. From the word 'cooee'
an expression "within a cooee of" has developed. It means
"not far from", and its use seems to be mainly confined to
Australia and New Zealand.
As the title of the album suggests, Cooee, Taylor's fourth
album, has a rich and diverse Australian content and
includes songs from the indigenous Australian people
featuring traditional instruments such as the didgeridoo or
yidaki, an ancient Aboriginal musical instrument from the
tropical north of Australia. It is generally a branch of a
tree eaten out by termites.
The album also features the sounds of the Australian bush
along with colonial songs such as Botany Bay and The
Dying Stockman. This album is recommended for those
people who would like a greater understanding of
Australia's musical heritage.
For those people who are interested in traditional Australian
Aboriginal music, it is perhaps worth looking out for an album
entitled 'Bushfire: Traditional Aboriginal Music'.'Bushfire' was
recorded in the Kimberley's in Australia and features some of
the finest musicians of the region. There are two styles of
songs on the album, 'Wongga' and 'Djunba', which are traditional
styles that have been in existence for thousands of years. Each
of the songs have their own stories to tell, from daily happenings
to legends that have been passed down through many generations.
This album is highly recommended for lovers of traditional music.
That's all for now my friends. Today is the end of another busy
week being Friday, may I wish you all a blessed and wonderful
weekend. See you all later.
For further information, please check out my four Domains and associated pages:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
I would like to share with you some thoughts
on the traditional and modern music, as well
as dance forms of New Caledonia. As you well
know, New Caledonia is a multi-cultural society,
the original inhabitants are Melanesians with
links to Papuans and Australian Aborigines,
and they often refer to themselves as
'Ti-Va-Ouere', or 'Brothers of the Earth'.
There are an estimated 27 Kanak languages
coexisting in New Caledonia. However, after
being actively discouraged - or at least ignored -
by the French, there is no single unifying
Kanak language. The clan, not the individual,
was the most important element of traditional
Kanak culture, and la coûtume, a code
encompassing rites, rituals and social interaction
between the clans, is the essential component
of Kanak identity today. It also maintains a
crucial link with the individual's ancestors.
The later inhabitants are often referred to as
'Caldoches', or 'White New Caledonians', are
mostly descended from French convicts and have
forged their own culture, more akin to that of
rural Australians or rural Americans than the
metropolitan French.
As mentioned above, the indigenous Melanesian
inhabitants of New Caledonia are the Kanak
(formerly also 'Canaque'), and comprise 45% of
the total population of New. Caledonia. The word
is derived from kanaka maoli, a Hawaiian word
which was, at one time, applied indiscriminately by
European explorers, traders and missionaries in the
region to any non-European Pacific islander. Prior
to European contact, there was no unified state in
New Caledonia, and no single self-appellation used
to refer to its inhabitants.
Other words have been coined from Kanak in the
past few generations: Kanaky is an ethno-political
name for the island or the entire territory. Kanéka
is a musical genre associated with the Kanak,
stylistically a form of reggae with added flutes,
percussion and harmonies. Kaneka often has
political lyrics and is sung in Drehu, Paici or
other Melanesian languages, or in French. Kanakas
were Pacific islanders (not just Melanesians) who
were abducted to Australia, Chile or Canada to
perform forced labour during the 19th century.
The German racial epithet Kanake (now applied
to all non-whites, or even southern Europeans,
but originally to Oceanians) also derives from
the name.
For the Melanesian people of New Caledonia,
music-making was an important element of
traditional ceremonies such as initiation,
courting or the end of mourning, and always
accompanied dance and song. Sometimes instruments
were played simply for the clan's entertainment.
Above all, however, Kanak music is vocal. There
are no Kanak words for music or musical instrument.
Rather their terminology is more appropriately
translated as 'sound-producing' instruments, the
classing example being the conch shell, which,
when blown, represents the call of the chief or
the voice of an ancestor. Many instruments were
made for a specific occasion, and include rhythm
instruments and bamboo flutes.
Other traditional instruments used in ancient
Kanak culture were:
Jews-harp (wadohnu in the Nengone language
where it originated) made from a dried piece of
coconut palm leaf held between the teeth and an
attached segment of soft nerve leaf. When the
harp is struck, the musician's mouth acts as an
amplifying chamber, producing a soft, low sound.
Coconut-leaf whizzer (maguk-in Pije): a piece
of coconut leaf attached to a string and twirled,
producing a noise like a humming bee.
Oboe: made from hollow grass stems or bamboo.
End-blown flute: made from a 50cm-long hollowed
pawpaw leaf stem. The pitch varies depending on
the position of the lips and how forcefully the
air is blown through the flute.
Bamboo stamping tubes: struck vertically against
the ground and played at main events.
Percussion instruments: These included hitting
sticks, palm sheaths that were strummed to hit,
and clappers made from a hard bark filled with
dried grass and soft niaouli bark, tied together
and hit against each other.
Rattles: worn around the legs and made from
coconut leaves, shells and certain fruits. Conch
or Triton's shell: used like a trumpet on special
occasions and played by a special appointee.
The Kanaks have developed dance into a high art
form. The traditional pilou dance tells the stories of
births, marriages, cyclones or preparations for battle,
although colonial authorities banned pilous in 1951
for the high-energy and trance-like state they induced
in the dancers.
Most contemporary Kanak music is labelled 'Kaneka',
a musical concept that incorporated both current
techniques and Kanak heritage that blended modern
instruments with ancestral harmonies and rhythms, and
married traditional stories and legends with lyrics that
call for an end to repression. Most songs are sung in
Kanak languages. Sadly, much of the traditional music
of New Caledonia has been forgotten, and there is only
a limited number of musical expressions from which the
young musicians can take their ideas. The most evident
link between kaneka and their grandfathers' music is
the use of traditional percussion instruments.
However, how percussion instruments accompany
traditional singing and how they accompany kaneka
music can show important differences. Perhaps the
typical Melanesian element in kaneka lies not in
the music itself but in the way the musicians treat
kaneka as a cultural and political movement.
Immensely popular with young people throughout
the country, Kaneka's chief exponents are bands
such as Mexem (from Lifou), Gurejele (Mare) and
Vamaley (Voh). A contemporary Kanak group that's
big with teenagers is OK! Ryos, a young trio from
Mare headed by Edouard Wamejo.The most well-
known modern record label on New Caledonia is
Alain Lecante's Mangrove Studios, which distributes
much of the Kaneka music.
In order to listen to some of the above contemporary
music, you are invited to Jane Resture's Pacific
Islands Radio at: Pacific Islands Radio -
www.pacificislandsradio.com and click on
Jane Resture's flagship station at the following URL:
Pacific Islands Radio
http://www.live365.com/stations/janeresture
On a final note, I would like to mention that Pacific
Islands Radio has always been very proud to feature
the music of Australian Aboriginal group Yothu Yindi,
whose song 'Treaty', a plea for understanding between
black and white Australia, became an International
hit.
Indeed, it was sixteen years ago that lead singer,
Mandawuy Yunupingu, sang his way into the heart of
the nation with this Anthem of his people and, in
1993, he was named Australian of the Year.
Sadly, last January 2007, a now very frail Yunupingu
entered a drug and alcohol rehabilitation centre. The
man, so many thought of as an inspiration to us all, is
now fighting for his life. Winning the battle for sobriety
is just one of Yunupingu's health challenges. He is also
diabetic and will soon have dialysis treatment for renal
failure. He is a long way from the optimistic voice that
spoke from his warrior's heart, a heart that carried the
hopes of so many Australians, black and white.
The story of Yunupingu is intrinsically tied to the
struggle of his people and his family name is synonymous
with the struggle for Aboriginal land rights.
Yunupingu is well aware that, with substance abuse and
diabetes-related illness killing so many of his people,
this is one battle that he cannot afford to lose - not
only for himself and his family, but also for those who
have been inspired by him and, in particular, through
his music.
If I may, I would like to humbly ask you all to join with
me in extending to this most remarkable man, Mandawuy
Yunupingu, our warmest wishes, along with our loving
thoughts and prayers.
Mandawuy, along with his artistic and talented band,
Yothu Yindi, have certainly provided the inspiration
for a splendid-shared understanding and vision between
indigenous and non-indigenous people, both in Australia
and worldwide.
For a little more information on Australian Aboriginal
music and Mandawuy Yunupingu, you are invited to visit:
http://www.janesoceania.com/australian_aboriginal_music/index1.htm
FEATURE ARTIST
PAUL TAYLOR
Paul Taylor is an acclaimed storyteller and didgeridoo
player who has collaborated with Don Spencer, one
of Australia's most recognized children's performers,
to produce a most interesting album entitled 'Cooee'.
The word 'Cooee' describes a shout used in the Australian
outback mainly to attract attention, find missing people, or
indicate one's own location. When done correctly - loudly
and shrilly - a call of "cooee" can carry over a considerable
distance. Historically, the call began as an Indigenous
Australian custom borrowed from the Aboriginal Dharuk
people, the original inhabitants of the Sydney area, and has
now become widely used in Australia. From the word 'cooee'
an expression "within a cooee of" has developed. It means
"not far from", and its use seems to be mainly confined to
Australia and New Zealand.
As the title of the album suggests, Cooee, Taylor's fourth
album, has a rich and diverse Australian content and
includes songs from the indigenous Australian people
featuring traditional instruments such as the didgeridoo or
yidaki, an ancient Aboriginal musical instrument from the
tropical north of Australia. It is generally a branch of a
tree eaten out by termites.
The album also features the sounds of the Australian bush
along with colonial songs such as Botany Bay and The
Dying Stockman. This album is recommended for those
people who would like a greater understanding of
Australia's musical heritage.
For those people who are interested in traditional Australian
Aboriginal music, it is perhaps worth looking out for an album
entitled 'Bushfire: Traditional Aboriginal Music'.'Bushfire' was
recorded in the Kimberley's in Australia and features some of
the finest musicians of the region. There are two styles of
songs on the album, 'Wongga' and 'Djunba', which are traditional
styles that have been in existence for thousands of years. Each
of the songs have their own stories to tell, from daily happenings
to legends that have been passed down through many generations.
This album is highly recommended for lovers of traditional music.
That's all for now my friends. Today is the end of another busy
week being Friday, may I wish you all a blessed and wonderful
weekend. See you all later.
For further information, please check out my four Domains and associated pages:
www.janeresture.com
www.janesoceania.com
www.ourpacificocean.com
www.pacificislandsradio.com
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